In classical Chinese, the distinction between a rhetorical question and a simple question may not be readily clear when interrogative words are used. This paper aims to investigate factors that may determine whether a question formed with an安, yan焉, or heyi何以is a simple question or a rhetorical question; they include the presence of (1) a modal verb; (2) a negative marker in the main clause; (3) condition in the subordinate clause; and (4) a final exclamatory particle. Based on an analysis of these factors, a set of markers is proposed to distinguish a rhetorical question from a simple question and the extent of their reliability is discussed. Furthermore, a scale will be proposed to measure the strength of a rhetorical question based on the set of said markers.

It has been more than 40 years since Yunmeng Qin bamboo slips were unearthed. As the first batch of Qin bamboo slips unearthed, it is close to the truth of the Qing dynasty. Because the unearthed bamboo slips are clear and easily to recognize, most of them are complete, which provides favorable conditions for the in-depth study of Yunmeng Qin bamboo slips. To start with, the aim of this paper is to explore the special words used in the development period of modal particles, to clarify the development context of the evolution of modal particles, and to sort out the internal differences of the evolution of modal particles in Yunmeng Qin bamboo slips. We give a possibility for Yi (殹) and Ye (也), which seems to alternate between Yunmeng Qin bamboo slips. Secondly, we found the factors to these change: dialect, country, written forms and customs. Also, we set many examples to prove Yi (殹) and Ye (也) in Yunmeng Qin bamboo slips truly alternative. The time of Yunmeng Qin bamboo slips was written at about the end of the Warring States period to the early Qin Dynasty, which was the time when the words were not solidified. In this period, the use of words was chaotic, and modal particles showed different use of words because of their distinctive regional characteristics, that is, the diversification of writing forms. Especially, Yi (殹) and Ye (也) were two modal particles in Yunmeng Qin bamboo slips. As a Qin character, commonly seen in Yunmeng Qin bamboo slips, Yi (殹) is often used as a modal particle in the slips of Qing dynasty, which has been discussed by senior scholars such as Li Xueqin and Chen Zhaorong. Mr. Li talked about Yi (殹) and “habitually seen in Qin Bamboo Slips” in his article “an Investigation of Ancient Philology of Qin Bamboo Slips”; When discussing the evolution of Qin characters, Mr Chen interpreted Yi (殹) as a mood auxiliary word with both regional and contemporary characteristics.

본고는 龍崗秦簡 第11～22簡, 第68簡, 第181簡의 내용에 대해 해독을 시도하였다. 이 14매의 죽간이 담고 있는 대략의 내용은 禁苑과 관련한 秦법률인 秦苑律에 대한 기록이다. 秦苑律은 상당히 엄격하게 시행되었는데 금원의 출입과 관련하여 위법 행 위를 한 자는 무거운 형벌에 처해졌음을 살펴볼 수 있었으며 해독 작업을 통해 秦代 사회와 법률, 언어와 문자에 대해 한층 더 깊게 이해할 수 있게 되었다. 또한, 본고 는 龍崗秦簡 第11～22簡·68簡·181簡의 기존 연구에 충분한 예증을 찾아 보충하거나 誤釋 부분에 대해서는 정정 의견을 제시하는 등, 기존 연구 성과를 토대로 문자학적 지식을 활용하여 보다 심도있는 고찰을 진행하였다.

Every meaning of the common word “Qin (親)” in Chinese has been seen in ancient times. However, its meaning of “kiss” only appeared at the end of Ming Dynasty. Scholars generally believe that this meaning is derived from extended meaning, which is worth discussing. Before the Tang Dynasty, the meaning of “kiss” was only expressed by “Wu (嗚)” and its polyphonic form. “Xin (噷)” appeared in the Song Dynasty, “Qin (唚)” and “Qin (親)” appeared in the Ming Dynasty. “Qin (親)” and “Qin (唚)” are the phonetic loan character of “Xin (噷)”. As the tail vowel [-m] final vanishes and the confluence of sharp and rounded sounds, the three sounds tend to be the same, “Xin (噷)” is a rare word, the common writing “Qin (唚)” with the change of phonetic sign and homophone substitution word “Qin (親)” appeared in the folk. “Qin (親)” has the meaning of “contact”. It is easier to establish semantic association with the meaning of “kiss” and becomes the dominant word in the concept field of “kiss”. “Xin (噷)” and “Qin (唚)” exist only in spoken dialect. “Xin (噷)” is the subsequent character of “Xin (歆)”, the “kiss” meaning of “Xin (噷)” is an extension of the “smell” meaning of “Xin (歆)”. In order to find the source of words, we should use the method of finding words based on meaning and sound, combine with dialect materials, and link up the homophone and synonymy of variant words. Only by breaking through the restriction of glyphs, can we find out the writing form containing the etymological basis of many variant words.

본고는 龍崗秦簡 제1간부터 제10간까지의 내용에 대해 기존의 연구 성과를 토대로 하여 해독을 시도하였으며, 쟁점이 되는 부분에는 상세한 주석을 덧붙이고 고찰을 진행하였다. 주석 작업에 里耶秦簡과 岳麓書院藏秦簡 등 용강진간 이후에 발굴된 최신 秦문자 자료를 적극 활용하였으며, 판독에 어려움이 있는 글자에 대해서는 관련 秦문자와의 자형 비교를 진행해 보다 정확한 考釋에 도움이 되고자 하였다. 용강진 간 제1간에서 제10간까지의 내용은 禁苑과 관련된 법률에 대한 기록이다. 금원은 皇 家의 가축과 식물들을 기르고 관리하던 정원으로 일반인들의 출입이 엄격히 통제되었다. 따라서 하수도로 몰래 드나들거나 출입증 없이 관문을 지나가면 斬止라는 무거운 형벌에 처해졌으며, 공문서의 관리 역시 엄격한 규정 속에서 이루어졌던 것으로 보인다.

The newly released No. 7-304 Liye strips of Qin is the twenty-eight year records containing Qin Shihuang’s move to Lingxian County to repay the government debt, the total number of registered people and mortality, and the specific circumstances of the punishment for the relevant officials. By re-counterdrawing, the original version of the bamboo slips checks on the mortality rate, final multiple annotations and modern translation.

Based on the “double evidence method”, this paper first demonstrates the relationship between Guicang (歸藏) of the Wangjiatai Qin Bamboo Slips and the classic version of Guicang (歸藏). What is more, this paper classifies and supplements the missing names according to the handed down documents; it also proves that the place named ‘Tang (唐)’ in the hexagram of “Xiao Chen made a divination on escaping to Tang (小臣卜逃唐)” in Guicang of the Qin bamboo slips is related to the place named ‘Tangqiu (湯丘)’ of “Shangtang in Tangqiu (湯處於湯丘)” in Tsinghua Bamboo Manuscripts. The special relationship between ‘Zhonghui (仲虺)’ and ‘Yiyin (伊尹)’ plus his evaluation of Xiaochen’s escape is also reinterpreted.

‘率’ has only one shape in Yin-Shang scripts. However, from the early to middle Western Zhou Dynasty, there appear several other variants with components of ‘止’, ‘彳’, ‘’, ‘’, ‘行’, ‘’, respectively: ‘’, ‘’, ‘’. In the Chu bamboo slips, ‘’ with the component of ‘’ is common, and there also exists ‘’ with that of ‘行’. Based on these observations, this article demonstrates that, in bronze inscriptions and Chu bamboo slips, ‘’ and its provincial variants all together express the meaning of military leadership, which is supported by consistent data from the early Western Zhou Dynasty to the Warring States Period. From the late Western Zhou Dynasty, the four dots in ‘率’ begin to be omitted or interchanged with ‘行’ and ‘止’. However, ‘’, ‘’ and other variants are all active verbs denoting ‘to lead’ and ‘to command’ in a war. Looking at ‘率’ found in Chu bamboo slips makes it clear that its main shape is ‘’ which is also used as an active verb denoting ‘to lead’. From its shape and meaning, it is seen to be equivalent to ‘’ in Jinwen and Shuowen. All the abovementioned character shapes containing ‘止’ are, in fact, variants of ‘’. However, the characters of ‘’ and ‘’, which only contain ‘行’ and lack ‘止’, have a different meaning in Jinwen and Chu bamboo slips from those containing the radical of ‘止’ such as ‘’ and ‘’. The former is passive verbs denoting ‘to be led’ and ‘to follow’. This group of variants is equivalent to ‘率’ in the pre-Qin period, which seems to be a consistent rule in the pre-Qin script.

Based on the nature of "Bu (不)+ N" structure, this paper divides the negative words in pre-Qin Chinese into two categories and five sub-categories according to the distinction of time and space, and combs the evolution of Chinese negative word system from Pre-Qin to modern Chinese. This paper also focuses on two problems: (1) whether "Bu(不) + N" is the negation of noun by the determiner "bu(不)", and whether there is no implied verb between "Bu(不)" and noun, nor is the noun used flexibly as a verb; (2) there are two sources of "MEIYOU(没有)" in modern Chinese, first from the negative sign of noun "WU (无)", then from the negative sign of verb "WEI(未)". Traditionally, the negation words of pre-Qin Chinese are divided into four categories: (1) The "Bu(不)" category, which means simple negation. (2) The"Wei (未)"category, indicating a negative attitude towards the past. (3) The "Fei(非)" category, which conveys negation of judgment. (4) The "Mo(莫)" category, signifying prohibition. Such classification, though comes with a certain degree of rationality, but embraces unscientific elements. For example, the "Bu(不)" category as a notion of simple negation is not a scientific explanation. This paper attempts to apply the research results of negative words in modern Chinese to the study of negative words in ancient Chinese. Professor Nie Renfa聂 仁发 (2001) believes that the time significance of the "Bu(不)" and "Meiyou(没有)" categories in modern Chinese is reflected in the "Object(体)" rather than "time （时）" and summarizes their differences as: "Bu(不)" ：【+Negation】[-Realization] Or“Mei(没)“：【+Negation】[+Realization] Professor Nie”s belief is truly inspirational. Hence we pursue further, by judging from the time elements of the pre-Qin Chinese negation word system, to try to divide them into two main categories as well as five small sub-categories. We shall be deeply obliged to receive feedbacks in any forms as well as criticisms as to determine whether this classification is appropriate, correct and in particular with reference to the negation of judgment as a [-Time elements]; while the negation of the imperatives as a [+Time elements].

The research aims to explore the Chinese character “jì (既)” in pre-Qin period. The research focuses on the font change of jì (既) in pre-Qin period. Throughout the discussion, the understanding of jì (既), including of different fonts, such as , , can be known. We can know that the pronunciation of jì (既) has a close relationship with qì (氣), according to the use of related characters, for example, ài (㤅), jì (䊠), xì (餼) and so on. Talking about the meaning, there are seven meanings of jì (既), such as finish eating, end, whole, already, since, jì ér (既而, soon afterwards), jì yǐ (既以, farther), xì (餼, foodstuff). The results will be beneficial to facilitate understanding of academic writing materials and expand Warring States research in other aspects.

Chinese characters underwent the process of conversion of seal script to clerical script, transitioning from lines to strokes in composition. the degree of tokenization components increased markedly. Some characters could no longer be classified by radicals as explained under the “unified by form and meaning” principle described in Shuowen Jiezi (《說文解字》). Thus in the Ming Dynasty, Zihui (《字彙》) eliminated and combined many of the radicals in Shuowen Jiezi (《說文解字》), and adopted the principle of “classification under form and not meaning” for classification purposes. The Kangxi Dictionary (《康熙字典》) from the Qing Dynasty continued the tradition of 214 radicals included in Zihui (《字彙》). Though radicals were established and classified according to two principles: convenient perusal and being true to the meaning of characters created by ancients, the form and meaning of characters become disassociated after conversion of seal script to clerical script, though the original theory of character creation which linked external composition of character with internal meaning was passed on. As the two radical classification principles of classification through form and classification through meaning conflicted with one another, the book adopted the principle of radical classification through form to facilitate convenient perusal. Thus, some radicals were iconized, losing their function to convey meaning or sound in characters. From the perspective of the development of clerical script, clerical script from the Qin Dynasty (qinli) is also referred to as “ancient clerical script” (guli), an early form of clerical script during this transition period between ancient and modern characters. Development of clerical script reached maturation in the Han Dynasty, with the Eight Points (bafen) script. This paper attempted to organize the mark process that Chinese characters underwent during the conversion of seal script to clerical script, through utilizing ancient texts which have been unearthed, Han Dynasty steles, and texts from Qin and Han Dynasty bamboo and wooden slips unearthed in the past few decades as research material. The hope was to uncover the evolutionary process and original form of iconized radicals as they formed.

최근 30년 사이 전국문자에 대한 연구는 상당한 발전을 가져왔다. 특히 전국문자의 영역분류 연구에 있어서 많은 연구자들이 전국 5계 문자의 개별적 특징을 인식하였다는데 대해서는 별다른 이의가 없다. 주지하다시피 전국문자 영역분류 연구의 중심은 古璽印의 연구이다. 전세기 50년대 李學勤 선생은 『戰國題銘概述』에서 이에 대한 초보적 연구를 시행하였고, 80년대 이후 출토되는 전국 문자 자료가 증가됨에 따라 전국문자 연구는 매우 활발히 이루어졌다. 羅福頤선생의 『古璽彙編』, 『古璽文編』가 연속적으로 출판됨으로써 많은 학자들의 古璽印 연구를 도왔고, 吳振武･湯餘惠･何琳儀･曹錦炎･林素清･施謝捷등의 여러 학자들이 뒤를 이어 『古璽彙編』과 『古璽文編』를 중심으로하고 새롭게 출토되는 문자를 결합하여 璽印 연구 영역에서 더욱 깊고 정밀한 연구를 진행하였다. 그러나 당시 출토 문물과 문헌의 한계로 인해 개별적인 璽印의 자체(字體) 특징에 대해 명확하지 못한 부분이 있었고 이로 인해 어떤 국가의 자체로 귀속할지에 대해서는 여전히 문제로 남게 되었다. 예를 들어 『古璽彙編』의 3983를 보면 그 새겨진 글은 비교적 쉽게 읽어낼 수 있으나 문자의 분석에 오류로 인해 어떤 국가의 문자로 귀속할지에 대해서는 여전히 문제로 남겨져 있다. 본고는 『古璽彙編』 3983에 수록된 “空桐勶”를 증명하기 위해 최근 발견된 새로운 秦文字자료를 이용하여 “勶”자에 대해 새롭게 연구를 진행하였다. 소전과 후대의 해서 중의 “勶”자는 모두 “力”의 요소를 가지고 있다. 이러한 영향을 받아서 학자들은 모두 『古璽彙編』 3983 중의 “勶”자도 “力”이라고 보고 있 다. 본문은 대량의 秦簡과 漢簡, 秦印, 漢印, 帛書 등의 자료를 토대로 전국문자 중 의 “勶”자는, “刀”의 요소이지 “力”이 아님을 증명하였다. 『古璽彙編』 3983의 국가별 귀속에 대해서 가장 명확하게 증명한 학자는 施謝 捷이다. 본문은 대량의 秦文字를 비교 연구한 결과 施선생이 이를 秦印에 분류한 것이 정확한 의견이었음을 알 수 있다.

先秦是篆体演变的关键时期，构造、结构、笔画是演变发生的主要三个层面。大量甲骨文、金文、小篆材料研究表明，形声逐步发展成为汉字主要构造方式。形声构造弥补了形意构造的繁杂无序与能产性低的不足，也克服了早期假借字大量运用造成的表意不明晰的缺陷。形声这种二合方式对汉字的平面结构也产生了很大影响，上下、左右成为汉字平面分割的主要结构模式，而左中右、上中下、包围结构则成为次要乃至附属。笔画的平直简化促使新的笔画及其组合方式产生并逐步定型，这是汉字书写便捷的必然选择。这三个层面的变化基本是普遍和共时的，但是由于春秋战国时期复杂纷乱的政治局势，亦不可避免地带有地域化的个性特征。政治上秦的统一来带来的秦隶的统一，对于篆体是一个终结。

The article states that the writing style determines the forms ofChinese Characters during the process in shaping the characters by analyzing the Characters both in Pre-Qin Days and in Qin Dynasty. In other words, the way of writing influences the result of writing------ the forms of Chinese character directly, moreover, any kind of change in characters’ evolution stems from the slight difference from the previous writing style. Characters are presented by using writing, characters on Bamboo or Wood strips in Qin Dynasty are kept more in the inking words in the early forms of Chinese characters; meanwhile , writing style in Qin Dynasty is a transitional form in the change from seal script to clerical script; at the same time, it includes both the writing motivation of seal script and other writing styles, such as, clerical script, running script and cursive script in the following periods and conceives rich connotation in writing styles. So, we know that , to some extent, the writing style can restrict or improve the process of characters’ evolution by researching the writing styles’ influence on the following characters’ shape. And as an internal factor, it is writing style itself that influences the Chinese character’s shapes. In this way, we push the traditional static research of forms of joining different parts to form the Chinese characters and that of changing rules of different parts in Chinese characters to the dynamic level in Chinese characters’ research.