본 논문은 현대 국제 에너지 정치의 주요 이슈인 미-러 에너지 전쟁과 러시아-우크라이나사태가 유럽연합의 에너지 안보와 정책에 미친 영향을 분석하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 먼저, 미국과 러시아 간 에너지 패권을 둘 러싼 전략적 대립의 기원과 전개 과정을 탐구하며 글로벌 에너지 시장과 지정학적 균형에 미친 영향을 평가한다. 또 러시아-우크라이나 전쟁이 유럽연합의 에너지 시장과 정책에 끼친 파장을 분석하여 에너지 공급의 불안정성, 가격 변동성, 그리고 정치적-경제적 연쇄 반응을 포괄적으로 다루고자 한다. 이에 따라 유럽의 에너지 위기가 유럽연합의 에너지 안 보 및 정책 결정에 어떠한 변화를 가져왔는지를 조명하겠다. 이어서, 유 럽연합 회원국인 독일과 폴란드가 직면한 에너지 위기에 대응하기 위해 취한 다양한 에너지 정책을 살펴본다. 이를 통해 에너지 위기를 타파하 기 위한 유럽연합 국가들의 다변화 전략이 유럽의 에너지 안보와 정치적 통합에 어떤 장기적 영향을 미칠 수 있는지에 대한 종합적 평가 및 전망 을 제시하고자 한다.

Since Russia-Ukraine war, India and the United States has enhanced their cooperation as evidenced by the recent engagements. Multiple meetings by officials and leaders including two Quad and 2+2 dialogue summits, have provided a clear stance on each country’s perspective on the recent conflict. The US-India dispute regarding Russia-Ukraine war demonstrates that it is a stress test for the US-India ties, as well as a test of the US leadership in the global politics. The balancing act required to settle the differences between the two countries will have implications for the Indo-Pacific region as well as global security, even though the disagreements are not yet mutually incompatible. Strengthening ties with the US is now a tightrope walk for India. While there are differences between the two countries in Ukraine, the real challenge is turning these differences into opportunities. The paper deals with the different issues arising from the Russia and Ukraine conflict in the context of US-India interface.

Arms control treaties during the Cold War generally used national technical means (NTM) to verify treaty compliance. This was because signatory states refused to agree on on-site inspection (OSI) measures since it would require some level of intrusion. Efforts on nuclear arms control such as the Limited Test Ban Treaty (LTBT) or Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT) initially included some form of OSI but could not continue due to refusal from signatory states. The Intermediate-Range Nuclear Force (INF) treaty concluded between the US and the Soviet Union in 1978 was significant since both states agreed on a highly intrusive verification measure. The Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START) and the new START also called for OSI measures similar to the INF. Alongside reducing a significant number of nuclear warheads and limiting specific types of nuclear warhead delivery vehicles, these treaties also provided basic models for conducting on-site inspection (OSI). OSI measures primarily rely on the political agreement between signatory states. However, the structure, types of inspections, number of inspections allowed, and technology/equipment used in each of the regimes also differ according to the objectives of each treaty. The INF treaty and START are salient cases as basic models for current nuclear disarmament verification research. Thus, this paper will conduct a case study on the procedures and mechanisms required for nuclear arms control verification in terms of OSI. Using the implications drawn from the INF treaty and START, this paper offers considerations for a potential nuclear disarmament verification.

근래들어 미중 간의 기술패권 경쟁이 심화됨에 따라 미국은 중국의 첨 단반도체 기술의 발전을 저지하기 위한 다양한 경제적, 기술적 제재를 부과하고 있다. 최근에는 반도체산업의 글로벌 밸류체인(GVC, 가치사슬) 의 변동성 증대와 더불어, 미국 주도로 주요 반도체 생산국가들인 한국, 대만, 일본을 포함한 칩포(Chip-4) 동맹을 결성하기 위한 논의를 하고 있다. 물론 이러한 미중 간의 첨단기술 경쟁은 우리나라의 산업전반 특 히, 중국에 생산기지를 가지고 중국의 수요에 많이 의존하고 있는 우리 나라 반도체 산업에도 큰 영향을 미치지 않을 수 없다. 따라서 미중 간 반도체산업 분야의 기술경쟁 실태를 면밀하게 분석하고, 이를 토대로 우 리의 국익을 극대화할 수 있는 방안을 모색하는 것이 절실하다. 이러한 배경 하에서, 본 논문은 반도체산업을 중심으로, 현재 미중 간에 벌어지 고 있는 기술패권 경쟁에서 미국과 중국은 각기 어떠한 위치를 점하고 어떠한 전략을 구사하고 있는지를 분석하고, 이를 토대로 이러한 미중 간 기술경쟁이 우리나라 반도체산업에 미칠 영향을 점검하고 적절한 대 응방안을 모색하고자 하는 것이다.

이 연구는 오늘날 해외 한국학이 비약적으로 발전할 수 있었던 요인 중 하나로 한국의 경제성장을 주목하며, 미국 주요 대학의 한국 경제 관련 강좌의 특징을 분석하였다. 그 결과, 첫째 ‘한국 경제’에만 초점을 둔 강좌는 찾기 어려웠으나, 한국의 역사, 문화, 사회를 이해하기 위한 한국학 강좌에서 한국의 경제는 한국을 읽어내는 주요 배경 또는 한국 사회에 영향을 미친 핵심적인 요인으로 나타났다. 둘째, 한국 경제 관 련 강좌는 ‘한국 경제’라는 특정 주제에 주목하기보다, 아시아 국가 간 관계, 그리고 아시아 지역 국가들의 경제, 산업, 금융, 무역이 어떻게 연결되며 그 특징이 무엇인지 집중하고 있으며, 경제‧경영 이론을 설명 할 때 하나의 사례로 제시되는 특징이 있다.

Since 1997, the Republic of Korea (ROK) has been developing pyro-processing (Pyro) technology to reduce the disposal burden of high-level radioactive waste by recycling spent nuclear fuel (SNF). Compared to plutonium and uranium extraction process, Korean Pyro technology has relatively excellent proliferation resistance that cannot separate pure plutonium owing to its intrinsic characteristics. Regarding Pyro technology development of ROK, the Bush administration considered that Pyro is not reprocessing under the Global Nuclear Energy Partnership, whereas the Obama administration considered that Pyro is subject to reprocessing. However, the Bush and Obama administrations did not allow ROK to conduct full Pyro activities using SNF, even though ROK had faithfully complied with international nonproliferation obligations. This is because the US nuclear nonproliferation policy to prevent the spread of sensitive technologies, such as enrichment and reprocessing, has a strong effect on ROK, unlike Japan, on a bilateral level beyond the NPT regime for non-proliferation of nuclear weapons.

United States Nuclear Regulatory Commission (U.S. NRC) specifies regulations on obtaining licenses and describes the technical position on the average waste concentration, also known as Concentration Averaging and Encapsulation Branch Technical Position (CA BTP); CA BTP helps classify blendable waste and discrete items and address concentration averaging. The technical position details are reviewed and compared in a real environment in Korea. A few cases of concentration averaging based on the application of CA BTP to domestic radioactive waste are presented, and the feasibility of the application is assessed. The radioactive waste considered herein does not satisfy the Disposal Concentration Limit (DCL) of the second-phase disposal facility while applying the preliminary classification. However, if CA BTP is applied when the radioactive waste is mixed with other radioactive waste items in a large and heavy container, it can be disposed of at the second-phase disposal facility in Gyeongju Repository. To apply the CA BTP of the U.S. NRC, it is necessary to investigate the safety assessment conditions of the US and Korea.

본 연구의 목적은 미국, 영국, 독일, 일본의 학교안전 법제를 살펴봄으로 써, 국내 학교안전에 시사하는 바를 논하고 제시하는 데에 있다. 외국사례를 통해 우리나라 학교안전사고 예방 및 학교안전관리시스템이 보다 실효성 있 게 작동하도록 몇 가지 적용 및 시사점을 제시하였다. 첫째, 학교 안전관리 책임을 명확히 하고 학교안전교육을 지원하는 법제의 명문화와 「학교폭력예 방법」, 「학교안전법」, 「학교보건법」을 「학교안전보건법」으로 통합할 필요가 있다. 둘째, 국가 책임을 강화하는 차원에서 충분한 예산 지원과 인력 확보 및 교직원의 안전 전문성 향상을 위한 제도 마련, 그리고 일원화된 전문기관 등이 필요하다. 셋째, 「학교안전법」을 「산업안전보건법」 수준으로 업그레이 드할 필요가 있고, 독일의 사회보험 수준으로 학교안전공제회의 역량을 제고 할 필요가 있다. 넷째, 체계적인 시스템과 실효성 있는 매뉴얼에 의해 작동되 도록 학교안전망을 촘촘하게 구축할 필요가 있다. 다섯째, 예방활동과 안전 교육의 패러다임을 전환할 필요가 있다. 여섯째, 평소 지역 유관기관·단체 등 과 안전시스템을 긴밀하게 공유, 연계할 필요가 있다. 일곱째, 실효성 있는 학교안전 위험성 평가를 실시하여 사고 발생률을 낮출 필요가 있다. 여덟째, 학교 보안을 더욱 강화할 필요가 있다. 아홉째, 학생안전 법제에 학생의 권리 와 의무를 함께 명시할 필요가 있다. 열 번째, 우리나라도 ‘갭 이어(Gap Ye ar)’ 제도 도입을 검토할 필요가 있다. 이상의 논의와 제시를 통해, 국내 학 교안전 및 학교안전 법제의 긍정적 변화를 기대한다.

There has been a tectonic shift in the trade relationship between the United States (US) and China. This can be seen in the passage of new US legislation, recent US trade restrictions on exports and investment transactions with China, and worsening US relations with the World Trade Organization (WTO), particularly with its dispute resolution system. The Trump administration initiated a haphazard tariff and trade war with China, reversing decades of US trade policy pursuant to its long-standing stances of supporting free trade. To the dismay of many in the trade community within the US and globally, the trade actions by President Trump have been significantly extended and broadened by the Biden administration in its first two years, despite the expectation that it would reverse many of Trump’s policies. In this article, I present seven observations concerning President Trump’s and President Biden’s trade policies.

In today’s world, intellectual property (IP) rights have become a significant part of overall corporate value as well as a “driver of important market transactions.” Nevertheless, patent commercialization and claims for damages due to patent infringement are often obstructed by parties’ differing positions on the patent value. To improve Vietnam’s legal and practical environment for patent valuation, this paper constructs a comparison of the prevailing frameworks of the United States and the People’s Republic of China with that of Vietnam to make recommendations meeting the stated purpose. An analysis of relevant academic literature suggests that parties should be allowed to choose their preferred valuation technique even when having engaged valuation professionals. Also, valuation service providers should be able to demonstrate the underlying rationale for selecting a particular valuation method. Other valuation techniques, such as forward citation counting, should also be studied to provide private parties, patent valuators and relevant state agencies in Vietnam with more options when facing the need to value a patent.

This study suggests that using AI chatbots with highly human-like characteristics could reduce the effectiveness of personalized AI chatbot advertising because they will likely worsen consumer concerns about privacy. Conversely, using AI chatbot with less human-like characteristics will not heighten consumer privacy concerns, thereby increasing the impact of personalized AI advertising.

Hanford site has been operated since 1943 to produce the plutonium for nuclear weapons. Significant amount of radioactive wastes was generated by the nuclear weapons production process. The radioactive wastes are stored in 177 aged underground tanks. Due to the risk of leakage into the air and the Columbia River, the US DOE and EPA, and Washington State Department of Ecology organized the Tri-Party Agreement (TPA) to clean-up the Hanford site in 1989. The LAW (low-activity waste) vitrification facility named WTP (Waste Treatment Plant) is plan to vitrify about 212 million liters of radioactive waste. The US DOE announced that the world’s largest melter to vitrify the LAW was heated up on October 8, 2022.

This Commentary provides a detailed analysis of the US-DPRK Peace Treaty, a proposed bilateral peace treaty between the United States and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (i.e., North Korea). The US-DPRK Peace Treaty was conceived as the first in a series of legal instruments to be executed in furtherance of the establishment of “peace as a system” on the Korean Peninsula. In this monograph, the authors envision that such a peace treaty would serve as a basis for peaceful co-existence between the two countries and, ultimately, a peaceful, non-volatile situation on the Korean Peninsula. The Commentary offers an in-depth explanation of each provision of the US-DPRK Peace Treaty, including the meaning, background, rationale and legal implications of individual provisions of the Peace Treaty. Additionally, it provides insight into relevant international law issues and the history of negotiations and engagement among interested parties in the context of the inter-Korean conflict.

Non-discrimination is a fundamental principle of the World Trade Organization (WTO), which promotes global trade with the goal of eradicating hunger, reducing poverty, and ensuring global prosperity. According to the WTO rules, members are required to give other members most-favoured-nation and national treatment. Due to the military conflict between the Russian Federation and Ukraine, the United States, European Union, and several other member countries suspended most-favoured-nation treatment for Russian goods in mid-March 2022. This study examines the principle of non-discrimination under the WTO provisions, identifies relevant exceptions, analyses the Russia-Traffic in Transit case, and evaluates the appropriateness of the above actions by the US and others. Finally, this paper concludes that the US and its allies failed to present concrete evidence demonstrating a direct and causal relationship between the military situation in Ukraine and their own essential interests under Article XXI of GATT 1994.

Southeast Asia is home to the Straits of Malacca and Singapore, one of the world’s most important sea lines of communication. The closure of the straits to international navigation may adversely affect the well-being of the global economy. On February 11, 2022, the Biden administration announced the new Indo-Pacific strategy, which will continue to deliver on AUKUS. For centuries, the proposed Thai Canal Project has been planned to revolutionize the shipping industry by bypassing the busy waters of the Straits of Malacca and Singapore. If the canal is built under the US Indo-Pacific Strategy, the pre-eminence of the Straits of Malacca and Singapore will not last long. This article analyzes the potential increase of navigation of nuclear-powered submarines through the Straits of Malacca and Singapore and its ensuing environmental implications from a viewpoint of international law. It discusses effects of the proposed canal plan in influencing the shipping industry should this “dream waterway” be constructed.

As the Biden administration succeeded President Trump’s chaotic and undisciplined trade and investment policies toward China, the last six months of 2022 have seen significant developments in the US trade law and economic policy toward China. These legislative and regulatory developments bring into sharper focus a broader and more aggressive US legal and regulatory structure fostering industrial policy and confronting China. The recent midterm elections in the US and meeting in Bali between Xi and Biden only seem to maintain the current unsettling state of affairs. The subsequent WTO panel decision against the United States concerning its Section 232 national security tariffs and its rejection of national security defense only further complicates the US-China trade relations. The legislative and regulatory measures emanating from the US in the last half of 2022 are not helpful and represent a worrisome development. These measures are by far more aggressive, with significant domestic and global implications. They portend a new emerging post-WTO order.

해양환경의 위험유해물질 배출규제는 주로 선박이나 해양시설 등으로부터의 오염규제에 한정되어 있기 때문에, 해안 인접 산업 시설들의 위험유해물질 배출 허용기준 및 배출 지침 수립 등의 해양배출제도의 수립 필요성이 제기되고 있다. 본 연구에서는 해양산업시 설의 위험유해물질 배출 허용기준 및 배출 지침 정보를 자세히 제공하고 있는 미국 환경보호청(US EPA)의 자료를 중심으로 허용기준 및 배출 지침 수립 등 배출 제도 체계를 소개하고 향후 국내 배출지침 적용에 대해 고찰했다.

Este estudio aborda el aprendizaje de la pronunciación en español como una tercera lengua por parte de los hablantes nativos de coreano en los EEUU. Específicamente, profundiza en las características de sus pronunciaciones, las perspectivas desde las que se pueden entender las pronunciaciones y los puntos que los investigadores de L3 deben tener en cuenta para examinar sus pronunciaciones. Para ello, primero este estudio presenta modelos sobre la percepción y producción de L2, así como modelos sobre la morfosintaxis de L3. Luego, aplica los principios principales de los modelos a las situaciones y características del aprendizaje que muestran los estudiantes coreanos de español en los EEUU. Por último, con base en los fundamentos teóricos y sus características del aprendizaje, hace sugerencias para estudios empíricos que examinen la pronunciación de español como L3. Este estudio puede ser útil para los estudiantes coreanos de español como L3 y sus padres, profesores de español e investigadores de L3. Además, algunas sugerencias de este estudio se pueden aplicar a los estudiantes coreanos de español como L3 que viven en Corea y países angloparlantes que no sean los EEUU.

One of the overwhelming issues in the global economy has been China-US trade war. The edited book by Rahul Nath comprises of chapters on different dimensions of the trade war. AS the crisis emerged between two economic powers of East (China) and West (US), it had substantial consequences on South Asian economies. The chapters identify key challenges as the outcome of China-US trade war. While building on the consequences of the conflict, the book traces on the impact on trade barriers, both tariff barriers and non-tariff barriers. The empirical evidences examined identify the spill over effects on the South Asian economy. Amid China-US trade war, the litmus test has been for the WTO as there has been rise in preferential trade agreements. The authors have examined these issues in detail.