본 글은 선조 17년(1584)과 18년(1585)에 개최된 기영연(耆英宴)을 그림으로 기록한 <선조조기영회도(宣祖朝耆英會圖)>를 중심으로 16세기 사연용(賜宴用) 화준(花樽)과 주 준(酒樽)의 조형 특징을 구명하고, 사연에 있어서 두 종류 준(樽)의 진설 방식과 및 진설 의 미를 고찰하였다. 연회에 등장하는 여러 기물 가운데 준화(樽花)를 꽂기 위한 화준(花樽)과 선온(宣醞)을 담았을 것으로 보이는 주준(酒樽)은 16세기 관요에서 제작된 좋은 품질의 백 자․청화백자로 추정된다. 사연용 화준은 조선 전기 국가 의례서(儀禮書) 및 조선 후기 궁 중연(宮中宴) 관련 기록에서 확인되는 호(壺)와 재질․기형․품질에서 크게 다르지 않았을 것이다. 그러나 장식에 있어서 문양을 생략하거나 청화(靑畵) 문양이 장식되었을 경우 소재 는 대나무․매화․화당초문 등 화훼문(花卉文) 계통을 채택함으로써, 사연의 설행(設行) 목적을 투영하는 동시에 궁중연 용준(龍樽)과 차별화하였을 가능성이 있다. <선조조기영회도> 에 묘사된 주준용 뚜껑은 입구의 가장자리가 위로 살짝 들려 있는 특징에 기인하여 연엽(蓮 葉)형 뚜껑으로 명명하였다. 연엽형 뚜껑은 국가 의례용기, 가마터 출토품, 전세품 등에서도 공통으로 확인되고 있는 만큼, 뚜껑의 사용처와 용도에는 왕실 및 사연용 주준이 포함되었을 것이다. 16세기 <선조조기영회도>의 화준․주준 진설 방식과 사연도(賜宴圖) 속 진설 방식 을 종합해보면, 16세기 화준은 다양하고 유연한 방식으로 진설 되지만, 주준의 경우 획일화 되고 고정된 진설 방식을 보인다. 화준․주준의 진설 방식은 연회의 주최자인 왕의 교체, 임 진왜란으로 인한 제작 여건 및 관련 기록 소실로 인한 고증의 어려움 등으로 인하여 17세기 이후 점차 변하였을 것이다. 따라서 16세기 사연용 화준․주준의 진설 방식은 18세기 이후 양상과는 상반되었을 것으로 추정된다. 더불어 16세기 기영연에 화준․주준이 모두 진설 되 었다는 사실은 이 연회가 문헌에 기록된 바와 같이 우대된 사연임을 증명하는 또 하나의 근 거 자료로 활용될 수 있을 것으로 생각한다.

This study used the big data method to analyze the chronological frequency of seafood appearance and variety mentioned by the veritable records of the Joseon dynasty. The findings will be used as a basis for Joseon Period’s food cultural research. The web-crawling method was used to digitally scrap from the veritable records of the Joseon dynasty of Joseon’s first to the twenty-seventh king. A total of 9,536 cases indicated the appearance of seafood out of the 384,582 articles. Seafood were termed ‘‘seafood” as a collective noun 107 times (1.12%), 27 types of fish 8,372 times (87.79%), 3 types of mollusca (1.28%), 18 types of shellfish 213 times (2.23%), 6 types of crustacean 188 times (1.97%), 9 types of seaweed 534 times (5.60%). Fish appeared most frequently out of all the recorded seafood. Sea fish appeared more frequently than the freshwater fish. Kings that showed the most Strong Interest Inventory (SII) were: Sungjong from the 15thcentury, Sehjo from the 15th, Youngjo from the 18th, Sehjong from the 15th, and Jungjo from the 18th respectively. Kings of Chosen were most interested in seafood in the 15th and 18th centuries.

This is a comparative study of Byung-Kwa-Ryu (Korean rice cake and cookie) of the Chungcheon Province Area in the late Joseon Dynasty, based on「Jusiksiui」 in the late 1800s,「Eumsikbangmunnira」 in 1891, and 「Banchandeungsok」 in 1913. This study was also compared with the recipes of「Suunjapbang」 of 1540,「Eumsikdimibang」 of around 1670, 「Siuijeonseo」, and Gyuhabchongseo of the late 1800s. As for the Byung-Kwa-Ryu(Korean rice cake and cookie) introduced in the recipe book,「Eumsikbangmunnira」 recorded the most with 18 types of rice cakes and two types of Korean sweets, followed by「Jusiksiui. There were 14 types of rice cakes, and two types of Korean sweets. 「Banchandeungsok」 had eight types ofrice cakes and six types of Korean sweets. Yogi-tteok in「Jusiksiui」 and「Banchandeungsok」 were foods that could not be found in other recipes. Yakgwa and Jeungpyeon were in all three books as well as 「Eumsikdimibang」. These were also included in「Siuijeonseo」 and were introduced to most cookbooks. The materials used and the method of making it differed for each recipe. Many studies on cookbooks have focused on the Yeongnam region so far. This study served as an opportunity to confirm the dietary life data of the Chungcheong-do region through a review of the recipe books containing food from the Chungcheong-do region. In addition, it was possible to examine the ingredients and cooking methods used in each cookbook at the time through comparative analysis with the cookbooks in the Yeongnam region.

It is generally believed that Seonjeong-jeon and Heejeong-dang respectively served as Pyeonjeon of Chang-deok Palace in the earlier and the later period of Joseon dynasty. However, such belief is based on the concept of Pyeonjeon that emerged after the time of King Soonjo’s reign(1800~1834). The concept and functions of Pyeonjeon varied among times ranging from Koryo to late Joseon dynasty. In the earlier Koryo dynasty, the word Pyeonjeon signified both “Pyeonjeon in relation to Jeong-jeon” or “Pyeonjeon as a casual office for the king”. The ambiguity of the word was resolved when Bopyung-cheong and Jogye-cheong were established in the earlier Joseon dynasty. These buildings in Chang-deok Palace (and only Bopyung-cheong in Gyeong-bok Palace) held rituals related to events in Jeong-jeon, as well as their exclusive political rituals. Thus, the meaning of the term “Pyeon-jeon” became restricted to its second meaning, namely a casual building for the king’s everyday office work and small banquets. However, the ambiguity reemerged from around the time of King Seong-jong’s reign(1469~1494). In this period, Pyeonjeon as in relation to Jeong-jeon was often referred to as “Jeong-jeon”, or “Beop-jeon” from the mid-16th century. In the 19th century, Pyeonjeon as king’s casual office took over the characteristics and functions of Beop-jeon. Thus, the popular notion of “Pyeon-jeon” was newly established and passed onto nowadays.

This study aims to examine the changes in Pyongyang-bu during the late Joseon period and Pyeong-an Gamyeong through gazetteer, pictiroal maps and various literature. The results are as follows. To begin with, unlike other gamyeong, Pyongyang-bu had an exclusive government office facility from the beginning and had a different status because of the route for envoys from Ming. Therefore historical sites related to Gija were important. Second, the importance of Pyongyang city-wall increased even more through the Japanese Hideyoshi invasions in 1592 and the Manchu Invasion in 1636. However, since the post-war restoration was insufficient they focused on defense reducing the size of Pyongyang city wall. Third, as society stabilized, Pyongyangbu's finances were greatly secured. King Sukjong systematically reorganized Pyongyang city wall and facility of Pyongy-an gamyeong. The nothern wall in located high place, Gamyeong and storage in middle height and military force and guesthouse in the center of Pyongyang-bu. I-a and warehouse facilities in the far south were placed around the Daedonggwan. The urban structure that runs from Daedonggwan to Daedongmun was the same as other city. Another pertinent point is Pyeong-an gamyeong had more military facilities and rear garden and pavilion than before. In clunclusion, Pyeong-an gamyeong did not pass through three gates, but only through two gates. And it was characterized by more various space and having more pavilions than other gamyeong.

Jagyeokru, an automatic striking water clock described in the Sejong Sillok (Veritable Records of King Sejong) is essentially composed of a water quantity control device and a time-signal device, with the former controlling the amount or the flow rate of water and the latter automatically informing the time based on the former. What connects these two parts is a signal generating device or a power transmission device called the ‘Jujeon’ system, which includes a copper rod on the float and ball-racked scheduled plates. The copper products excavated under Gongpyeong-dong in Seoul include a lot of broken plate pieces and cylinder-like devices. If some plate pieces are put together, a large square plate with circular holes located in a zigzag can be completed, and at the upper right of it is carved ‘the first scheduled plate (一箭).’ Cylinder-like devices generally 3.8 cm in diameter are able to release a ball, and have a ginkgo leaf-like screen fixed on the inner axis and a bird-shaped hook of which the leg fixes another axis and the beak attaches to the leaf side. The lateral view of this cylinder-like device appears like a trapezoid and mounts an iron ball. The function of releasing a ball agrees with the description of Borugak Pavilion, where Jagyeokru was installed, written by Kim Don (1385 ~ 1440). The other accounts of Borugak Pavilion’s and Heumgyeonggak Pavilion’s water clocks describe these copper plates and ball releasing devices as the ‘Jujeon’ system. According to the description of Borugak Pavilion, a square wooden column has copper plates on the left and right sides the same height as the column, and the left copper plate has 12 drilled holes to keep the time of a 12 double-hours. Meanwhile, the right plate has 25 holes which represent seasonal night 5-hours (Kyeong) and their 5-subhours (Jeom), not 12 hours. There are 11 scheduled plates for seasonal night 5-hours made with copper, which are made to be attached or detached as the season. In accordance with Nujutongui (manual for the operation of the yardstick for the clepsydra), the first scheduled plate for the night is used from the winter solstice (冬至) to 2 days after Daehan (大寒), and from 4 days before Soseol (小雪) to a day before the winter solstice. Besides the first scheduled plate, we confirm discovering a third scheduled plate and a sixth scheduled plate among the excavated copper materials based on the spacing between holes. On the other hand, the width of the scheduled plate is different for these artifacts, measured as 144 mm compared to the description of the Borugak Pavilion, which is recorded as 51 mm. From this perspective, they may be the scheduled plates for the Heumgyeonggak Ongru made in 1438 (or 1554) or for the new Fortress Pavilion installed in Changdeokgung palace completed in 1536 (the 31st year of the reign of King Jungjong) in the early Joseon dynasty. This study presents the concept of the scheduled plates described in the literature, including their new operating mechanism. In addition, a detailed model of 11 scheduled plates is designed from the records and on the excavated relics. It is expected that this study will aid in efforts to restore and reconstruct the automatic water clocks of the early Joseon dynasty.

조선시대 읍치는 전국 군⋅현 지역의 행정중심지인 동시에 교통의 결절지로서 소위 전통도시라고 할 수 있다. 또한 근대 이전 공유되어 온 전통적 공간인식체계이자 지리로서 풍수가 투영되어 있는 대표적 장소이기도 하다. 본 고에서는 조선후기 부평도호부를 사례로 읍치 상황을 확인할 수 있는 지리지, 고지도 등 관련 문헌과 현장답사를 병행하여 읍치의 풍수적 공간구성을 확인 하고 현재적 입장에서 특징적인 풍수 관련 경관의 복원 의미 및 방향성을 제시해보고자 하였다. 먼저 풍수 상 읍치 국면을 군⋅현 최고 명당으로 구성하는 근간이자 출발 로서 진산, 주산에 주목하였다. 읍치 복원과 관련해 진산, 주산이 지니는 의미는 단순히 읍치를 구성하는 주변 자연환경 중 하나가 아닌 읍치의 역사적 장소성 구성이나 경관배치를 위한 일종의 지표경관이 될 수 있다. 다음으로 진산, 주산과 읍치 내 중심 경관인 동헌, 객사 간 형성되는 공간 관계 즉 ‘공간구성을 위한 중심축’을 설정할 수 있다. 풍수적 공간구성에서 진산, 주산으로부터 동헌으로 이어지는 중심축은 읍치 경관 복원과 관련해 제반 요소 간의 중요도나 우선순위를 결정하고 또한 그것의 입지나 방위를 비정하 는데 있어서 시사하는 바가 크다. 마지막으로 지역 생태환경에 대한 통합적 인식과 장기적인 접근의 필요성 과 관련해 풍수 비보에 주목할 필요가 있다. 풍수 비보는 산과 물로 대변되는 생태환경을 하나의 생명체로 전제하고 인간과 교감, 공존하는 동기간(同氣間) 관계로 접근하는 생태중심적 환경관의 전통적 버전이라고 할 수 있다.

This study examines the spatial structure of Jeju-eupseong (Town-castle) in the Joseon Dynasty. The spatial structure of Jeju-eupseong has distinctive features and regional characteristics that are substantially different from typical eupseong in inland regions. This is mainly attributed to the geographical characteristics of the island and the administrative system with strengthened military functions. Jeju-eupseong displays a distinctive layout of major buildings and road system with a plaza located in its center in comparison with the ones found in inland regions. Gwandeokjeong Plaza in Jeju-eupseong served as the center of Jeju’s politics, administration, and culture during the Joseon Dynasty, and it, in the modernization period, has become an open public space in the heart of Old Downtown used for community gatherings. Therefore, this study aims to explore the historical background and distinctive spatial structure of Jeju-eupseong in comparison with eupseong in other parts of Korea. Moreover, the study examines the characteristics of Gwandeokjeong as a plaza that has not been dealt with in other studies of eupseong.

본 논문은 조선 전기에 한하여 제작된 특수기종 ‘자기 쌍이잔’에 대하여 고찰한 것이다. 조선이라는 새로운 국가가 들어서며 유교적 재정비가 이루어졌고, 기명을 제작함에 있어서도 역시 이전에는 보이지 않던 새로운 기종들이 등장한다. 본 연구에서는 ‘조선 전기’라는 특정 시기에 한하여 제작된 자기 쌍이잔의 현전 사례와 관련 기록을 살핌으로써, 시기별 제작 양 상 및 변화 과정을 살피고 나아가 제작배경과 용도, 성격을 규명해보고자 하였다. 특히 조선 전기에만 제작되었다는 특징을 통해 조선 전기 도자사의 전체적인 흐름을 살피는 데에 그 의 의가 더해질 것으로 보았다. 조선 전기 생산유적의 출토현황을 통해 자기 쌍이잔의 제작양상을 살핀 결과 지방요의 경 우 경상도, 전라도, 충청도 등 각 지역별로 나타나는 양상이 달랐으며, 관요에서의 제작양상 역시 이러한 지역별 제작양상은 시기별 제작양상과도 연결되었다. 즉 본 연구에서는 Ⅰ-Ⅲ 기의 각 시기에 따른 변화양상을 통하여 자기 쌍이잔이 조선 전기 도자사의 표지적인 유물로 써 그 연구가치가 충분하며, 앞으로의 조선 전기 도자사 연구에 있어 유의미한 결과를 도출 할 것으로 기대해보았다.

자기(瓷器)는 조선의 중요한 대외 교역 물품이 아니었다. 조선은 전국에 걸쳐 자리하는 가마에서 필요한 백자를 생산했으므로 자기를 만들지 못한 나라들과는 수입해서 사용하는 그 릇의 종류와 크기, 수량이 달랐다. 유럽 등지에서는 새롭고 이국적인 동아시아의 자기가 여 러 왕실과 귀족들의 수집품이 되었지만 조선은 자기 자체를 이미 수 세기 동안 일상의 그릇 으로 사용해왔으므로 다양한 문양이 장식된 일부 청화백자나 오채자기 위주로 중국과 일본의 자기를 들여왔다. 서울 시내 출토양상을 보자면 조선 후기 한양도성에 유입된 외국 자기의 수량은 조선 전 기에 비해 상대적으로 줄어드는 모양새다. 19세기 후반 이후에는 유상채 자기의 증가 현상 이 추가되지만 청화백자로 만든 발과 접시 등 반상기가 외국 자기의 주류를 이루는 특징은 조선 전기 이래로 계속 이어졌다. 조선시대 해외 교역이 사행이나 일부 상단을 중심으로 이루어지다 보니 중국과 일본의 물 산은 자연스럽게 왕실과 사행에 직접 참여하는 관리, 역관 혹은 상인 계층을 시작으로 소비 의 흐름이 마련되었다. 서울 시내에서 조선 후기 외국 자기들이 출토되는 유적이 궁궐이나 그 주변 혹은 시전행랑이 자리하는 종로대로 일대에 주로 위치하는 것도 이러한 상황이 반영 된 것으로 파악할 수 있다

Qianziwen was written by Zhou Xingsi. It spread to ancient Korea and had a major influence on Korean literary history. An immediate effect was that many written and printed versions appeared throughout Korea. Some Korean scholars imitated and translated the culturally alien texts of Qianziwen to facilitate the process of Chinese education in Korea. An indirect effect was to encourage the production of books with Korean characteristics. One example of this is the development of dictionary compilations in ancient Korea. This is a special phenomenon in terms of cultural exchanges between China and Korea, and is invaluable for the understanding of the spread of Chinese characters and classics overseas.

『법화경』을 중심으로 한 신앙은 조선시대에도 그 명맥을 계승하였다. 조선시대는 출가가 제한되고 사원경제가 크게 위축되는 상황이었지만, 왕실과 지배층의 추모 의례에서는 『법화경』독송과 같은 신앙 행위는 빼놓을 수 없었다. 국가이념으로 표방했던 성리학은 현세 중심의 사상이어서 망자를 위로하고 산 자의 공덕을 비는 내세주의에는 불교를 능가할 수 없었다. 불교를 이단으로 규정하여 그 사상과 신앙을 초토화시키고자 했지만, 성리학의 허약성만을 드러낼 뿐이었다. 법화신앙은 임진왜란을 전후한 시기에는 그 종교적 기능이 더욱 강화 되었다. 근본적으로 청허 휴정을 비롯한 그 제자들이 주도했던 승가의 수행과 교육체계가 새롭게 확립되면서 그 가치가 부활하였다. 그러나 왜란과 호란의 과정에서 발생한 지배층과 피지배층의 다양한 고통을 위로하는 재의(齋儀)는 법화신앙이 실제적으로 유지될 수 있었던 원동력이었다. 『법화경』 연찬은 조선후기 불교계의 교학 계보를 형성할 정도로 가치있었고, 선 수행에도 중요한 지남이었다. 『법화경』은 뿐만 아니라 당대 불 교계에서 망자 추선(追善)과 사찰의 낙성식(落成式)을 비롯한 다양한 의식에서 영산회상이었고 극락이었다.

This study aimed to analyze the periodic prevalence of the vegetables during the Joseon era with JoseonWangjoSilrok as a reference. The JoseonWangjoSilrok articles were collected from the Guksapyeonchanwewonhwe site, using web-crawling techniques to extract the relevant information. Out of 384,582 search results, 9,560 articles with vegetable-related keywords were found. According to the annual average vegetable recordings during the regimes of various kings, there were two peaking curves in the 15th and 18th centuryJoseon. The found was: 2,750 in the 18th century, 2,529 in the 15th century, 1,424 in the 16th century, and 1,018 in the 19th century. A Variable Interest Index was designed to ascertain the interestin vegetables of the 27 Joseon kings. The king most interested in vegetables was the 19th king Sookjong. The second most interested king was Youngjo. There were 5,105 vegetable-related findings within the JoseonWangjoSilrok related to specific species and categories of vegetables. Among the words found: 1,194 were stem-leaves vegetables (23.39%), 1,017 were root vegetables (19.92%), 1,148 were flower-fruit vegetables (22.49%), 1,144 were spice vegetables (22.41%), 95 were mushrooms (1.86%), and 507 were seaweeds (9.93%). Statistical analysis using ANOVA revealed the chronological factors that affected the vegetables’ prevalence index.

During the latter part of Joseon Dynasty, Local Confucian School(Geochanghyanggyo) had served as a government school and left many official documents on the educational construction. The construction of Local Confucian School(Geochanghyanggyo), which was recorded in official documents, was diverse, and most of them were reconstructed. Construction-works recorded in an official document was drafted in two ways. One was in the same format as the accounting records and the other was written in the diary format by date. The construction cost was mainly financed by selling the land owned. Of course, with the help of the government, they could receive some of the essential timber and expenses for the construction. The management and maintenance of educational construction was entrusted by a manager called ‘Chaji(次知)’. Then there were employees called ‘Jeonjik(殿直)’ and ‘Gojik(庫直)’ and they were paid for their work.