The purpose of this paper is to examine the dissolution process of Dongnae-bu Dongheon Block(東萊府東軒 一廓) under the Rule of Japanese. The results of this study are summarized as follows. First, the space orgnization of Dongnae-bu Dongheon Block(東萊府東軒一廓) proved to be clear on the basis of Dongnae-bu Eupji (東萊府邑誌), the ficture of Dongnae-bu(東萊府) and the Original Land Registration Map(地 籍原圖) at the end of Joseon Dynasty. Second, the old government offices, as well as Chungsin-dang(忠信堂), were converted into the local government office for the sake of Japanese colonialism. Third, the old government office and its land were transferred to the banking system(金融組合) and the educational foundation(學校組合) in the interests of Japanese colonist. Finally, the transfer land of civilian industry association forced Mangmi-ru(望 美樓) and Dokjin-daeamun(獨鎭大衙門) to remove to another site and the private lots-subdivision assisted space taking to pieces.

일제강점기 후반 불교계의 당면한 과제는‘자주권 확립’과‘민족해 방운동’이었다. 주류적 흐름이었던‘불교계의 자주권 확립’은 전통 불교 생존의 측면은 물론이거니와, 왜색불교에 맞선 우리불교 정체 성의 수호와 함께 불교의 대중화 및 활성화라는 측면, 더 나아가 사 찰령 등에 맞서서 우리나라의 전통 불지(佛旨)를 잇고자 하는 노력이 었다. 그러나 대다수의 불교계 인물과는 달리 만해는‘민족해방운동’ 에 보다 중점을 두었다. 만해는 꺼져가는 불법을 되살리고 그 대중화 및 활성화에 천착했지만, 보다 큰 안목으로 일제로부터의 조선 독립 에 더 큰 의미부여를 하였다. 하지만 그렇다 하더라도‘자주권 확립’ 의 차원에서 한국불교의 주체적 발전 방향을 끊임없이 모색하였다. 초기의 저작인『조선불교유신론』에서 만해는 불교적 계몽주의자로 서의 모습을 보여주고 있다. 만해는 이 글에서 불교사상에 기반을 두 지만 서구의 사회진화론을 수용하여 봉건적인 불교의 개혁을 주장한 다. 하지만 사상의 원숙기에 이르면서『십현담주해』를 완성하고『유 마경』을 번역한다. 요컨대 여기에서 볼 수 있는 만해 사상의 요체는 실천불교인‘대중불교’이다. 만해는 한편으로는 불교를 통해서 세상을 구하겠다는 강렬한 구세 의식을 가지고 있으며, 다른 한편으로는 조선불교계의 출세간적인 면모에 대해서 강렬한 비판의식을 가지고 있다. 뿐만 아니라 그의 구 세의식은 깨달은 자의 우월의식이 아니라 저자거리에서의 동참의식 이다. 이런 의미에서 만해의 선은 대중들이 행할 수 있는 선이며, 그 가 표방하는 바의 보살행은 구원(救援)이나 시혜(施惠)이 아니라‘더 불어 삶’이다. 만해는 이러한 입장에 대한 구체적 실천을 위한 안을 제시하는데, 그것이「조선불교의 개혁안」이다. 그는 이 개혁론에서 초기의『조선불교유신론』을 계승하면서도 당시 변화된 불교계의 동 향에 유의하여 개혁의 당위성, 그리고 대상과 방법을 제시하였다. 만해를 근·현대 한국불교계를 대표할 수 있는 가장 뛰어난 선지식 중의 한 분이라고 하는 것은 그에 대한 적당한 표현이 아니다. 오히 려 그는 한국근대사의 중심에서 민족이 가야할 길을 묵묵히 걸어간 지사였다. 만해가 민족운동가, 독립운동가, 선사, 선생 등의 여러 가 지 명칭으로 회자되는 이유는, 그가 항일민족운동에 매진하였을 뿐 아니라 하나의 명사로는 그를 제대로 표현할 수 없을 정도로 문학, 사상, 불교, 지성 등 각 분야에서 주목할 만한 행적을 우리에게 남겼 기 때문이다. 더 나아가서 만해의 개혁은 불교 개혁을 포함하여 철저하게 대중보 다 한 발 앞서 갔다는 점에서 아주 특별하다. 그뿐만 아니라 수많은 저작과 실천을 통하여 봉건불교의 개혁 그리고 일본 제국주의 식민 지 상태를 극복하기 위한 다양한 투쟁의 행적을 우리에게 남겨 놓았 다는 점에서도 만해는 우리에게 아주 의미심장하다.

이 글은 일본의 한국 지배 기간(1910~1945) 동안 한국과 일본의 불교인들 사이에 이루어졌던 한국의 독신 및 대처(帶妻)수도생활과 관련된 정통 수행에 대해 정의하려는 고투를 살펴보고 있다. 특히, 선학원의 창립과 한국불교 전통에 부과된 일본불교 관례에 대해 대 응하는 성격을 띠고 있는 규정들에 초점을 맞추고 있다. 한국이 문호를 개방한 이래 한국불교도들은 대처수도생활이라는 일본 전통에 노출되기 시작한다. 조도신슈(淨土眞宗)의 개조인 일본 승려 신란(親鸞, 1173-1263)은 1210년에 한 비구니와 결혼하였고, 이후 일본불교에서는 하나의 관례로 자리잡게 된 것이다. 1907년부 터 매일신보에는 대처수도생활을 허용할 것인지에 관해 논의하는 글 들이 등장한다. 1910년 8월 28일 일본은 한국을 공식적으로 합병하였으며, 10월 1 일에는 조선총독부를 설립하여 한국을 통치하였다. 1911년 6월3일에 는 사찰령(寺刹令)이, 7월8일에는 사찰령시행규칙이 반포되어, 9월 1 일부터 시행되었다. 조선총독부는 그 법령으로 30개 본사와 해당 말 사와의 관계를 규정하는 본산제도를 확립함으로써 한국불교에 대한 실질적인 식민지화를 이루었다. 1912년 5월, 처음30명의 본사 주지들이 만났을 때만 해도 대처수 도생활과 육식을 반대하는 입장이었다. 1919년의 3··1운동 이후 한국 사찰들은 수많은 승려들을 불교 공부를 위해 일본으로 보낸다. 이중 많은 수가 기혼으로 혹은 일본불교 영향을 받아 귀국하여 원래 의 사찰로 임명되는데, 이들은 원로승려들이 반대한 대처수도생활을 지지하는 입장에 서게 되는 것이다. 1925년에 이르면 대처수도생활이 한국에서도 만연하게 된다. 1925년 10월, 본사연합의 몇몇 주지들이 대처승려가 주지가 될 수 있 도록 법규의 수정을 허가해 달라고 요청했지만 원로 독신승려들의 반대로 성공하지 못했다가, 1926년 11월 총독부의 압력하에 10 개 이 상의 본사들이 그들 법규에 대한 개정을 제안, 결국 승인되었다. 대처수도생활은 한국불교를 보다 쉽게 통제할 수 있게 해주었고, 한국불교의 독립에 손상을 주었으며, 또한 사찰재산의 손실로도 이 끌었다. 대처승려가 총독부에 충성하지 않으면 그의 가족이 의존하 는 직업을 잃게 되는 것이다. 대처승려들은 좋은 자리를 놓고 경쟁하 기 시작했으며, 사찰의 재산을 마치 자신들의 것처럼 사유화하기 시 작하였다.

The purpose of this study is to analyze the process of lots-subdivision within the block of Gaeksa at Dongnae-bu under the rule of Japanese Imperialism. Gaeksa of the old government office was the sanctuary that symbolized the sovereignty. Therefore it was naturally a main object of demolition and then the site was converted to other purpose. And Gaeksa was not only converted into the elementary school and the public market but the historic site also processed to break down for opening the road through Japanese Occupation of Korea. The main reasons of lots-subdivision were the transfer from state property to private ownership and the urban development project. Needless to say, the particular major reason was derived from the intention of Japanese Imperialism to destroy the traditional urban. As a result, Gaeksa can not be recognized the traces of today and contributes to the demolition of the remaining ancient building. Finally the deformed urban structure was left over from destroyed building.

The purpose of this study is to identify the characteristics of the use of the western building system with the change of the architectural design in the Japanese colonial period focused on the facility built by Joseon Government-General in 1910s. Through the 131 cases of governmental building, the tendency of the use of western building system. After 1910, Japanese Imperialism adopted the western wooden building system which main structure was made with combination of small pieces of timber for building the modern governmental facility because of the political and financial intention. So, all facilities were designed similarly by the structural module and the facade was finished by the feather boarding in the same with the ‘sitamitakei-giyohu’ in Japan. the functional requirements of each facility was not revealed. Such an western wooden building system was used until 1920s with the change of the facade by the mortar coating. But, in 1920s-1930s, the building system have begun to change. The use of the brick system caused some changes although the planing concept was still lasted. On the other hand, the use of the reinforced concrete led to more changes on the overall scheme.

This study was intended to examine the continuance and transformation of food culture during the enlightenment and Japanese ruling era by analyzing the novel of "Toji". In the novel "Toji", the chaotic political and economic situation is reflected, along with the peoples' hard lives in the latter era of the Choson Dynasty. After the full-fledged invasion of China by the Japanese, the shift to a wartime posture was accompanied by an increased need for food. This led to a rationing and delivery system for rice in the late 1930s. While it was hard for people to obtain even brewer's grains and bean-curd dregs, food distribution officers were well off. Another distinctive feature of the food culture during the enlightenment and Japanese ruling era was that foreign food and recipes were introduced naturally to Korea through the influx of various foreigners. The industry of Choson was held by Japanese monopolistic capital, as a result, Choson had equal to the role as a spending site and was only gradually left destitute. In the Japanese ruling era, there were new type of business including such as patisserie of the types of civilization in the town, and those tempted Korean people. However, the Japanese and pro-Japan collaborators dominated commercial business. Being urbanization through the modernization, it was became patronized fast food in the populous downtown, and the change of industry structure and life style greatly influenced into our food culture. Acceptance the convenient Japanese style fast food such as Udong, pickled radish made was actively accepted with a longing for the advancement civilization. After the enlightenment, many Japanese exchange students went to Tokyo to get advanced civilization and provided urban mood according to their consumption of bread, coffee, Western food, which were considered a part of the elite culture.

This study aims to investigate the changing aspects about research methodology of stone pagoda from the period of Japanese colonial to now. There were the differences in purpose, method and analysis of the research according to each period. In Japanese colonial period, the purpose of research was to make lists of almost stone pagodas in Korea. Following this, Japanese researchers conducted detailed research for academic purpose. They took measurements of stone pagodas and made drawings. After liberation the research was focused on the relics contained in pagodas. They proceeded to investigate the inner relics in order to attract the attention of the people. In the late 1900's, the repair works of cultural heritages were increased. Many reports of the repair works were released and sent to administration offices. The reports contained the change aspects of situation between before work and after with drawings or simple investigation documents. In the 1990's, the restoration works for important stone pagodas were started by the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage. Since then, researches from various way - architectural and conservational researches about historical interpretation, shape, structure, proportion, technique, etc. - progressed for careful restoration and accurate study. In Recent years, various professional organizations(in the field of structure, physics, chemistry, biology, lithology, etc.) started to join the researches. Researches conducted studies directly with the stone pagodas, as well as conducting indirect studies with the stone pagodas, such as the structural stability of stone pagodas, the characteristics of rock, and conservation chemicals. Today the research project 'The preservation project of stone cultural property' is being conducted by the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage. The purpose of this project is to gain more detailed and accurate investigation documents to be provided for the people. In conclusion, researches from various fields must be included in the research. Furthermore, a synthetic study should be done through comparing similar characteristics or different characteristics among many research results.

This article is about the study on construction contractors in Daegu during the Japanese Colonial Rule. The first construction contractors who involved with Kyong-bu railroad work in 1904 personally. But, after they go through the bidding method, changed by the Japanese Government General of Korea in 1922, and the second bid rigging in 1932, contractors was changed gradually the organization into unlimited partnership, limited partnership or stock corporation. The number of them was increased. Most contractors were Japanese, and organized a limited partnership which has been capitalized at 30,000 won. On the other hand, Korean contractors couldn't work at an important part, except for the personal activities of Youngsil Lee(李永實). They were usually employed as consultants or field deputies by Japanese contractors. After the Liberation, Japanese construction contractors returned to Japan, however Tatuoka-kumi(龍岡組), Yasiro-kumi(屋代組) and Sakano-kumi(坂野組) that was leading the business which were took over by Koreans. They were leading architecture field in Daegu.

본 연구는 조선왕조 말기에 일본 육군성 참모본부 소속의 장교들로 조직된 첩보장교들이 국제법을 위반하면서 한반도에 침투하여 측량침략을 감행한 비밀측량 지도들을 분석한 것이다. 이 지도들은 첩보장교들의 목측에 의해 은밀하고 신속하게 제작된 노상측도와 目測迅速圖로 제작되었기 때문에 일정한 도식이 적용되지 않았다. 이들 지도에서 주목할 만한 것은 일정한 도식에 근거한 등고선과 축척표시가 체계화되지 못하였고 지형의 고도를 표시하기 위하여 우모식과 등고선식이 혼용되었다는 점이다. 그러나 지형을 사실과 근사하게 표시하기에는 많은 시간이 요구되었으므로 경우에 따라서는 간단한 약식등고선이 사용되기도 하였으며, 기호의 범례는 대부분 생략되었다.

This article attempts to excavate Korean literary works influenced by modern Chinese literature during the Japanese occupation of Korea, based on which it also analyzes the ways in which Korean writers and intellectuals received, perceived and transformed modern Chinese literature. Research findings in this article are to be summarized as follow. Firstly, writers such as Guangsoo Yi and Nanson Choi, who lived during the nascent period of modern Korean literature, approached China in the image of a looser and Japan in the image of an empire. Thus, they completely excluded Chinese literature from the world literature since the Japanese occupation of Korea. This was a dark side of modern Korean literature as a result of Korea’s marginality in the colonial age. Secondly, Baekhwa Yang is generally regarded a first writer that received modern Chinese literature; but most of his works and translations related to China were from Japan since he introduced them to Korea by translating Japanese. Consequently, the perspective that Yang applied in approaching Chinese literature was not his own but Japanese during the colonial age. Although Yang’s contribution to the translation of modern Chinese literature needs to be fairly appreciated, one may not arguably say that he was the first writer who received Chinese literature based on a proper understanding of the trajectory of China’s intellectual history. Thirdly, Dong-gog Yi and Myung Yang are the critics who for the first time accepted Chinese modern literature into Korea on their own perspective. This study has a considerable significance in excavating, introducing and analyzing the large amount of their works. Dong-gog Yi had deep interest in the value and spirit of the Chinese New Cultural Movement, and was the first critic in Korea who accepted the value and spirit of modern Chinese literature in its full measure. Myung Yang was pursued ceaselessly in what direction Korean should lead their lives under the rule of Japanese imperialism, and for the first time accepted and blended Chinese modern theory with Korean reality. This was consequential of their struggles to overcome the dual problem of particularity and universality that Korea confronted during the colonial period. Thus they approached Chinese culture and literature in terms of the world historical conjuncture of decolonization and yearnings for modernity. They did not follow the trajectory of the reception of modernity via Japan as many Korean intellectuals did but groped for a way to receive it via China.

The purpose of this study is to analyze the articles of food and nutrition published in the Yeo-Sung magazines from 1936 to 1940 in Korea. Out of the 67 articles about the food and the nutrition from the Yeo-Sung magazines, 28 (41.8%) of them were about the brief information of food and nutrition news, 16 (23.8%) of them were about the recipes, 6 (9.0%) were about the nutrition information, and 17 (25.4%) of them were about others. As the number of recipes mentioned from the Yeo-Sung magazine was 103, 77 items, the majority, were about the Korean foods, 18 of the Western foods, 6 of Chinese foods, and only 2 of Japanese foods. This result showed that the Japanese colonization didn't seem to influence on Korean tastes and gastronomy. During this period, the modernization caused the numerous changes to our traditional cuisine with introduction of new western menu items and concept of nutrition. The nutrition articles highly recommended eating brown rice, vegetables, tofu, and the white meat. Shin-Young Bang, one of the main authors, insisted that "Cookery is not only the skill, but also the one of the very important academic sciences." showed budding modern cookery sciences in Korea.

The objects of this study were a review on the schedules and the programs of the school athletic meetings( a kindergarten, elementary and secondary schools) and yahak(night school) and citizen's athletic meetings during the Japanese colonial period in Kor

본 연구는 한반도를 둘러싼 동아시아의 격동기였던 구한말부터 일제강점기에 이르는 19~20세기 초엽의 한반도 지도제작과정을 규명한 것이며, 한국지도발달사 중 고지도와 현대지도의 고리를 잇는 작업으로 자리매김할 수 있다. 일제는 1884년부터 한반도에 육군참모본부 간첩대를 파견하여 지도를 제작하기 시작하였고, 국가기본도인 1:5만 축척의 지형도는 3차에 걸쳐 간행되었다. 제1차 지형도는 간첩대를 파견하여 비밀측량과 같은 주권국가에 대한 불법행위를 무릅쓰고 간행된 것이며, 제2차 지형도는 기존의 제1차 지형도를 삼각측량에 의해 개측하거나 새롭게 측량한 것이고, 제3차 지형도는 식민지정책인 토지조사사업의 일환으로 간행된 지도이다.

From the late 1920s to the 1930s, Korea’s fine art community focused on traditionalviewpoints as their main topic. The traditional viewpoints were discussed mainly byKorean students studying in Japan, especially oil painters. Such discussions on tradition canbe divided into two separate halves, namely the pre- and post-Sino-Japanese War (1937)periods. Before the war, the modernists among Korea’s fine art community tried to gain afuller understanding of contemporary Western modern art, namely, expressionism,futurism, surrealism, and so forth, on the basis of Orientalism, and borrow from theseschools’in order to create their own works. Furthermore, proponents of Joseon’s avant-garde fine arts and artists of the pro-fine art school triggered debate on the traditionalviewpoints. After the Sino-Japanese War, these artists continued to embrace Westernmodern art on the basis of Orientalism. However, since Western modern fine art wasregressing into Oriental fine art during this period, Korean artists did not need to researchWestern modern fine art, but sought to study Joseon’s classics and create Joseon’s ownavant-garde fine art in a movement led by the Munjang group. This research reviews thetraditional view espoused by the Munjang group, which represented the avant-garde fineart movement of the post-war period. Advocating Joseon’s own current of avant-garde fine art through the Munjang literarymagazine, Gil Jin-seop, Kim Yong-jun and others accepted the Japanese fine artcommunity’s methodology for the restoration of classicism, but refused Orientalism as anideology, and attempted to renew their perception of Joseon tradition. The advocation ofthe restoration of classicism by Gil Jin-seop and Kim Yong-jun appears to be similar to thatof the Yasuda Yojuro-style restoration of classicism. However, Gil Jin-seop and Kim Yong-jun did not seek their sources of classicism from the Three-Kingdoms and Unified Sillaperiods, which Japan had promoted as a symbol of unity among the Joseon people;instead they sought classicism from the Joseon fine art which the Japanese had criticized asa hotbed of decadence. It was the Joseon period that the Munjang group chose as classicism when Japanwas upholding Fascism as a contemporary extremism, and when Hangeul (Korean writing system) was banned from schools. The group highly evaluated literature written in the styleof women, especially women’s writings on the royal court, as represented by Hanjungnok(A Story of Sorrowful Days). In the area of fine art, the group renewed the evaluation of notonly literary paintings, but also of the authentic landscape paintings refused by, and thevalues of the Chusa school criticized as decadent by, the colonial bureaucratic artists,thereby making great progress in promoting the traditional viewpoint. Kim Yong-junembraced a painting philosophy based on the painting techniques of Sasaeng (sketching),because he paid keen attention to the tradition of literary paintings, authentic landscapepaintings and genre paintings. The literary painting theory of the 20th century, which washighly developed, could naturally shed both the colonial historical viewpoint whichregarded Joseon fine art as heteronomical, and the traditional viewpoint which regardedJoseon fine art as decadent. As such, the Munjang group was able to embrace the Joseon period as the source ofclassicism amid the prevalent colonial historical viewpoint, presumably as it hadaccumulated first-hand experience in appreciating curios of paintings and calligraphicworks, instead of taking a logical approach. Kim Yong-jun, in his fine art theory, definedartistic forms as the expression of mind, and noted that such an artistic mind could beattained by the appreciation of nature and life. This is because, for the Munjang group, theexperience of appreciating nature and life begins with the appreciation of curios ofpaintings and calligraphic works. Furthermore, for the members of the Munjang group, who were purists who valuedartistic style, the concept of individuality presumably was an engine that protected themfrom falling into the then totalitarian world view represented by the Nishita philosophy. Such a 20th century literary painting theory espoused by the Munjang groupconcurred with the contemporary traditional viewpoint spearheaded by Oh Se-chang in the1910s. This theory had a great influence on South and North Korea’s fine art theories andcircles through the Fine Art College of Seoul National University and Pyongyang Fine ArtSchool in the wake of Korea’s liberation. In this sense, the significance of the theoryshould be re-evaluated.

This study deals with construction contract bid-rigging by Japanese contractors who monopolized the construction market of the Korean Peninsula during the Japanese colonial rule, and investigates the abuses of the contract bid-rigging. First of all, construction contract bid-rigging in Korea was triggered by Japanese construction contractors and contract brokers, who had savored the benefits of bidrigging in Japan and had repeated the bid-rigging in Korea since 1903. Second, the agency played a significant role to mediate construction contractors, and existed throughout the Japanese colonial rule on the Korean Peninsula with changing their names. Most of them were engaged in major contract bid-rigging scandals. Among them was Construction Association of Korea, which existed for over 13 years. The agencies had took part in governmental services since the mid-1930s when Japan exploited Korean people during wartime, and focused on sweating human resources for the constructions. Third, one of the biggest construction bid-rigging scandals during the Japanese colonial rule was "the 1st and 2nd scandal on Daegu construction contract bid-rigging." Indeed, the second scandal paved the way for the serial scandals: "Kyeongseong construction contract bid-rigging scandal", "Busan construction contract bid-rigging scandal", and other cases throughout the nation. Fourth, along with the contract bid-rigging cases related to the Japanese Government-General of Korea and local authorities, bid-riggings firmly took rooted in local governments' farmland reclamation projects in the 1920s and the poor relief services in the 1930s. The "bid-rigging charges" forced contractors to compensate their losses with exploiting material costs and labor costs, generating serious problems. The construction contract bid-rigging enabled Japan to monopolize the construction industry and to sweat farmers on the Korean Peninsula. Against this backdrop, contract bid-rigging by Japanese construction contractors during the its colonization made Korean contractors ruled out, and helped Japanese monopolize the industry. A large amount of bid-rigging charges drove Japanese contractors to do fraudulent work with cheap materials and to exploit Korean labor force.

안창호가 ‘민족대업의 기초’, 즉 민족의 독립을 준비하기 위해 가장 정력적으로 추진한 것은 민족운동의 인재양성을 위한 興士團이었다. 이것은 그가 “우리 민족이 완전히 부흥하여 생존번영을 누리고 나아가 서 전체 인류사회의 공존공영에 공헌을 짓는 대 사명을 달성하는 유일한 길은 오직 흥사단의 주장”이라고 한데서도 알 수 있다. 그는 “흥사 단이 한발짝 한발짝씩 실력을 양성 강화하는 것은 한발짝 한발짝씩 조 선독립에 접근하는 것이고 최후에는 조선의 완전한 독립을 얻는 것으로 생각하여 흥사단을 조직하고 그 운동을 계속한 것이다”라고 밝힌 바 있다. 1913년 5월 13일 미국 샌프란시스코에서 8도 대표들이 참석하여 창단된 흥사단은 務實․力行․忠義․勇敢의 정신으로 덕성을 함양하고 신체를 단련하여 기력을 튼튼하게 하며 각자 전문지식 또는 과학기술을 습득하고 건전한 인격을 기른다는 실천방안을 제시했다. 창립 이후 흥사단은 단우의 모집에 주력하면서 실업을 장려하는 정책에 따라 북미실업회사와 흥업회사 등을 세우기도 했다. 안창호는 3․1운동 뒤 대한민국임시정부에서 활동할 때에도 상해지 역을 중심으로 중국본토는 물론 남북만주와 일본 및 연해주 지역까지를 포괄하는 흥사단 원동위원부를 조직했다. 흥사단 조직 확대운동은 1920년 9월에 상해에 원동위원부가 조직된 것을 시작으로 북경과 남경, 만주 등지에서 펼치려던 이상촌 건설운동과도 표리를 이루면서 1932년 4월 상해에서 일경에 체포될 때까지 계속되었다. 따라서 (수양)동우회는 원동위원부의 흥사단 국내지부였다. 물론 일 제의 직접 통치하에서의 흥사단운동이었기 때문에 될수록 인격수양 단 체임을 표방하고 합법적인 활동에 주력할 수밖에 없었는데, 안창호는 이러한 한계를 가질 수밖에 없는 (수양)동우회에 대하여 국내의 동지 들을 통해 깊은 관심과 애정을 가지고 간접적으로 지도하였다. 본고에 서는 (수양)동우회의 조직과 노선에 대한 안창호의 노선을 그가 체포 되는 1932년 이전까지를 중심으로 살펴보고자 한다.