This paper investigates the naming of coloanal treatment hospitals and clinics, examining their name types and the etymological origins of their names. The research data were collected from the Permanent Members Directory of the Korean Society of Coloproctology published in 2015. The major findings of the research are as follows: 1) The names of the hospitals and clinics were mostly composed of one or two component names. 2) Specialty treatment names and suggestive names were used much more often than location names, owners' names, and owners' college names, which were traditionally regularly used in the past. 3) Clipping transformations, letter transformations, and transformations to metaphoric/ambiguous expressions were often observed in the data in order not to violate the medical law which prohibits the use of body part names in the naming of hospitals and clinics. 4) Much more Chinese-Korean names were used than native Korean and foreign names. 5) Strong socioeconomic motivations are observed in the naming of coloanal treatment hospitals and clinics.
The purpose of this study is to investigate the influence of social factors on the use of honorific language by discourse completion test. Participants complete a short discourse by filling in their responses in conversations that may occur in families, schools, and workplaces where the social status and solidarity of the listener is predetermined. Honorific styles of sentence endings of their responses are analyzed by the generalized linear mixed model. The results show that social status and solidarity are statistically significant factors in the use of honorific styles, but their effects are dependent on the discourse situation. The ratio of using honorific styles gradually increases as the formality of situation increases (i.e., family < school < workplace). Interestingly, when the solidarity is low at the workplace, the ratio of using honorific styles is consistently high regardless of the social status of the listener. These results show that the use of Korean honorific styles is pragmatically changing according to the discourse situation.
This paper examines the distributional patterns of ‘swearing’ expressions produced in cyberspace in response to NAVER internet news articles. A range of contextual features associated with the use of swearing expressions are identified in terms of their tendency to be formulated as response cries produced as part of affectively-loaded assessments. Serving as a resource for managing face through footing shift, the ways in which swearing expressions are formulated and deployed embody the writer's orientation to treating the cyberspace where they are situated as a form of ‘social situation’ where at least some form of face/impression management is required. The predominant use of their variant forms is analyzed not simply as an attempt to outsmart the institutional attempt at controlling their use but as a collusive act through which the fellow participants are co-implicated in a collective word play organized as a cyberspace-specific form of language game. The tendency of the swearing expressions to cluster and resonate with each other suggests that swearing in cyberspace should be treated not simply as an unconstrained individualized act but as an act embedded in interactively-organized ‘word play’ activities that are obliquely, but crucially, geared to enhancing consensual grounds for shared affective stance among the members of the cyber-community of practice.
This study is a study that examines the characteristics and ideology of AI Service Advertisement or AI ads for short. AI ads appear to have different characteristics than general products ads in terms of the dialogue structure, message, character and background. First, AI ads consist mostly of a dialogue structure of “call-order-execution.” The ideology being captured in this regard is that AI is perceived as being friendly to humans and free to human beings. Second, the message of an AI ads can be divided into directive content and situations. Directive content can be divided into six categories: control-home products, search-information, control-song/music, control-phone, conversation/joke, application/order, and the situations can be divided into four categories: leisure, process/progress, problem/ constraints, and others. These messages instill in us the illusion of ‘comfortable’ and give us a new value that ‘loose is reasonable’. Third, the fact that there are more unknown models compared to general product advertisements is also a characteristic of AI ads. This is social evidence that people like me are all using AI, which is a powerful mechanism that causes sympathy. Fourth, the background of AI ads is mainly “home.” This provides a powerful mechanism for the audience to build the perception that ‘many people already use AI at home.’
The purpose of this study is to point out the problems of Korean language policy and education through some phenomena of variation and change in Korean language, and to show how they should go in the future. Since language policy and education are directly related to the status of language, in Chapter 2 we outline the current status and situation of Korean. In Chapter 3, we examine some of the variations and changes in Korean language, which are highly interesting from a social perspective. Based on these results, in Chapter 4, we present the direction of Korean policy and education as ‘rich and just Korean’.
So far, the key direction of policy and education for the Korean language has been ‘window-dressing language policy’ and ‘window-dressing language education’. They have attempted to refine Korean by simplifying and abstracting the various language facts and disregarding of the elements that seemed not to be beautiful. The language policy and education caught up in the ‘beautiful Korean’ obsession have lasted for decades in Korean.
Now Korean speakers should be liberated from ‘beautiful and pure Korean’ ideology. We should pay more attention to local dialects, North Korean words, slang and buzzwords, and net languages. We need to accept new concepts through contact with other languages. With its diversity, richness, and political correctness, Korean will be able to keep its place firmly in the strong waves of English and grow into an important language of the world.
This paper focuses on the construction of authentic rapper identities among Korean rappers throughout the history of rap in Korea. The first part of this study describes the historical development of linguistic practices and available linguistic resources that were commonly exercised and exploited by Korean rappers over time, while the latter part demonstrates how those practices and resources become components constituting and constructing various rapper identities through Eckert's (2008) framework of “indexical field.” The exploration of the Korean rappers' linguistic practices reported that Korean rappers have developed a number of creative and innovative practices throughout the history of Korean rap and hip-hop. The second part revealed that Korean rappers' innovations and creative practices have become more and more complicated over time for more sophisticated rapper identity construction and projection.
This study overviews how gender roles are portrayed in American sitcoms with Everybody Loves Raymond as the primary example. This show explicitly demonstrates how the views of society concerning acceptable behavioral characteristics of both men and women have changed. It also illustrates how redefined aspects of gender roles are combined together with aspects of enduring traditional roles via the dynamics of Barone family. With consideration of content and context, discourse/text analysis for selected episodes is conducted to disclose how these aspects (old and new) juxtapose each other. The manner of communication among characters and the storylines are also investigated to profile genders and their subsequent relationships.
The purpose of this paper is to analyze systematically the issues and approaches of existing research on language and ideology. In order to accomplish this purpose, this paper first defines ideology as ‘the ideas, beliefs, and values and the material process of (re)producing them that contribute to promoting and legitimizing the sectoral interests of certain social group or power’, noting that such ideology causes social problems when it serves primarily the sectoral interests of a mainstream group or ruling power, often working in a false and deceptive form through distortion and dissimulation of objective reality. Then, this paper raises the necessity to divide the research into two types: the research on ideology ‘about’ language and the research on ideology ‘through’ language. Finally, based on the theoretical discussion above, this paper explores the sociolinguistic research tasks and prospects of research on language and ideology by analyzing the representative research cases and approaches related to Korean language and its usage. This paper particularly focuses on monolingualism and standard language ideology in the case and approach of the research on ideology ‘about’ language, and sexism and gender ideology in the case and approach of the research on ideology ‘through’ language.
This paper examines the extended usage of ‘jagi’ to analyze to what extent and in what contexts ‘jagi’ is being used, and assesses the speaker's attitude toward it. Furthermore, this paper discuss the role played by women in the extended usage of ‘jagi’. For the purpose of this study, 117 adult males and females living in Daegu have been surveyed. The results of the survey have been analyzed to identify speakers' knowledge of and attitude toward ‘jagi’. Findings can be summarized as follows. First, ‘jagi’ is used as an intimate term of address for spouses and couples. More recently, it has also been used as a term of address between speaker and listener who are not involved in such relationships. Second, the typical usage of ‘jagi’ is its use among same-age women or lower class female speakers. Third, while many of the users of ‘jagi’ are women, there also are men using it. Fourth, the use of ‘jagi’ by younger speakers when speaking to older interlocutors is not an accepted usage. Fifth, the way men perceive and use ‘jagi’ differs from the way women do. For male speakers, there is no gender distinction between the speaker and the listener when using ‘jagi’, whereas women perceive it as being most commonly used by female speakers. Sixth, the use of ‘jagi’ has been extended from female to male speakers. More specifically, the new usage of the word was first advocated by women, who then played a key role in changing the use of ‘jagi’. The extension of the scope of speakers for ‘jagi’ can be considered within two different dimensions. On the one hand, the use of ‘jagi’ as an equivalent to the second-person pronoun by couples was extended to its usage as a general second-person pronoun by other types of interlocutors. On the other hand, if ‘jagi’ was initially mostly used by and among female speakers, the range of users was extended to male speakers and listeners.