This paper examines variation found in the usage of English relatives by Korean users and learners of English. Two types of data are analyzed using Varbrul analysis: academic articles written by English major professors and compositions by college students majoring and minoring in English. The results of analyses can be summarized as follows: 1) Korean users and learners of English adopt wh-variants more frequently than Americans for use but less commonly than Britons, 2) Advanced English users generally show the usage pattern of English relatives similar to that of native English speakers conditioned by very similar linguistic constraints, 3) Korean English learners with intermediate proficiency level revealed somewhat different patterns of English relative use from those of native English speakers and advanced Korean English users, 4) Prescriptive grammar taught in middle and high schools is analyzed as exerting significant influence on the pattern of English relative use by Korean users and learners of English. (157)
This study aims to identify the origin and usage of ‘-s n’, a suffix for male title, shown in dialects of Jeollanamdo, and based on the results, to describe the aspect of differentiation of Jeonnam dialects through the suffix of ‘-s n’. This study examines the different types of ‘-s n’, its usage, the meaning in term of dialect geography and characteristic of its social and the results are summarized as follows: First, previous studies sought for the origin of ‘-s n’ from ‘S nnim’, but this study is to find its origin from grammaticalization based on the dialect type of ‘S ngwon’ like ‘S won～Sewan’. Second, the title of ‘-s n’ has diverse sub-categories such as ‘name＋ last name＋s n’, ‘name of the place wives come from＋last name＋s n’, ‘name of previous residence＋last name＋s n’, ‘occupation＋last name＋ s n’, and ‘nickname＋last name＋s n’ in addition to ‘last name+s n’. However, according to social and cultural features of the community the title is used, especially, whether the community is nobility village (Banchon) or civilian village, its specific usage is different. Third, as the title of ‘-s n’ exist only in the eastern part of Jeonnam, it has different aspects from that of western part. In particular, it was connected with ‘-t' k’, a suffix of female title, and the identification following one’s husband was established instead of kinship terms, which works as an important factor that made Jeonnam dialects categorized into east and west. Fourth, today, the use of the title ‘-s n’ is limited to older people, in the civilian village rather than nobility village and used by men rather than women in higher rate.
This paper analyzes the difference between nun and ka from an interactional perspective in terms of the practice of giving distinct types of 'focus' to the referent they mark. From a conversation-analytic perspective, Kim's (1990) analysis that nun and ka index the speaker-relevant focus and the event-relevant focus respectively is further elaborated on, with systematic attention being paid to 'sequential,' rather than 'cognitive,' aspects of how the referent is highlighted in the context of dealing with the prior talk and projecting sequential trajectories that favor distinct types of uptake. Nun is shown to be embedded in the context where the speaker orients himself/herself to problematizing and counteracting the interlocutor's action in the prior context, with the consequence that the interlocutor is solicited to make a decision and take a position vis-a-vis the speaker's action, preferably in the direction of aligning with it. The upshot of the focus-giving practice involving nun is characterized as a process by which the speaker's display of subjective and evaluative stance indexed by nun is empirically grounded by facts putatively observed by the speaker. The use of ka, in contrast, does not necessitate such a process of modulating the speaker's subjectivity. The focus-giving practice involving ka is geared towards highlighting the referent per se, with any agenda it projectively proposes being limited to the factual import that the referent has towards the event/state of affairs it relates to. That the interlocutor orients to the ka-marked referent in such a straightforward and non-motivated fashion is demonstrated by his/her often successful attempt at collaborative completion of the ka-utterance in-progress.
The concept of eonmunilchi (the unification of the speech and writing) reminds us of the unification of written and spoken language. However, from the late 19th century to the early 20th century, two problems were intervened in the argument of eonmunilchi. One is about the use of certain characters, and the other is regarding the styles that are used to complete the sentences. But this paper treats the problem of styles of the sentence level, not the problem of characters. In Korea, it is often said that the typical example of unification of written and spoken language at the level of sentences is the replacement of '-deora (-더라)' with '-eotta (-었다),' However, in modern Korean, '-deora' is mostly used in the spoken language whereas '-eotta' is rarely used in the spoken language. If '-eotta,' a typical example of ending expression of eonmunilchi is not related to the spoken language, then what is the fundamental meaning and effect of eonmunilchi? The basic effect of eonmunilchi occurs when it is difficult to suppose the relationship of speaker/writer and hearer/reader or even the context itself where a locution takes place. In other words, erasing the trace of speaker or writer in the text so that the sentence itself could carry out its own meaning is regarded as the effect of eonmunilchi.
This paper examines social grammars of naming patterns from a sociolinguistic perspective, focusing on the names for the Chinese and Italian restaurants located in the Manhattan area of New York City and the state of South Carolina. Logit analysis and t-test were mainly used in this quantitative analysis of naming patterns. The findings of this paper are as follows: (1) whether restaurants are named with ethnic connotation or not are determined more by cultural variables rather than by economic variables, (2) the economic variables are statistically significant but only weakly determine naming patterns, i.e. the marginal effects of the logit analysis is very small, and (3) the only influential economic variable is the reverse attitude toward information use, which implies that the number of computers within a restaurant is directly or indirectly related to the ethnicity of the owner and its naming pattern. Overall, this paper is an attempt to broaden the contents and methodologies of the previous studies on the relationship between brand naming patterns and ethnicity from the sociolinguistic perspective.
Based on Vygotskian sociocultural theory, this study aims to investigate the longitudinal changes in English as a second language (ESL) learning, especially on motivation and learner beliefs for two recent Korean immigrants to Toronto. For 10 months, the researcher interviewed the two participants who shared similarities in age, previous work experiences, and perceived socio-economic status. Their comments were tape-recorded, transcribed, and analyzed by using NVivo, a qualitative data analysis software program. The findings indicate that Korean immigrants' ESL learning motivation was comprised of six constructs: job motivation, communicative need, heuristic motivation, context-specific motivation, self-satisfactory motivation, and demotivation/amotivation. Despite the two participants' external similarities, their monthly changes in ESL learning motivation showed drastic differences. An L2 learner belief of the positive relation between English proficiency and increased job opportunity was identified as a major explanatory factor for this difference between the two participants. This study suggests that L2 learner's beliefs may function as mediational tools from the perspective of sociocultural theory, with the learner's belief influencing job motivation.
Abbreviation is one of the typical examples of using language. Traditionally, abbreviations are classified into the following four major categories in English morphology: (i) initialism, (ii) acronyms, (iii) clipping and (iv) blending. This research examines types of abbreviatory expressions in Korean from a sociolinguistic perspective. This study first provides a brief analysis of types of abbreviations in Korean, mainly in terms of morphology. The examination shows that in Korean the distinction between initialism and acronym does not hold because of the nature of the syllable-based writing system of Korean, and that acronym is the most widely used types of abbreviation. Second, the study discusses linguistic motivations which are at work in the formation of abbreviations mainly in terms of economic motivation and motivation of distinctiveness. Third, this research explores conditions on the use of abbreviations in terms of sharedness of the information about the referent being talked about. It also shows the property of exclusiveness in the sense that members of a certain speech community share the meanings of the abbreviations. In addition, it explores functions of abbreviations in the following terms: maintaining solidarity, excluding outsiders, novelty, temporariness, and so on. Finally, this paper shows that not only a morphological approach but also a sociolinguistic perspective is necessary in order to fully account for the formation and use of abbreviations in language.
The purpose of this study is to investigate how the morpheme "-sab-" is used in the contemporary Korean historical drama scenario. Since the "-sab-" is always used with a word(s) showing the meaning of politeness, its function is to express speaker's politeness. Especially, the politeness word is optionally used with the morpheme "-sab-" but the "-sab-" is always required to use with the politeness word. A grammatical principle to express the politeness is generally related to the speaker's intention. Although the "-sab-" does not exist in the sentence presenting the politeness, the sentence does not have any problem with the grammaticality. The "-sab-" is limitedly used in the addresseehonorifics scale. In the scale, the "-sab-" can be combined with 'ha-so-seo'(old polite level form), 'hap-syo'(new polite level form) and 'hae-yo' (semi-polite level form). This means that the addressee is not respected by the speaker as much as the speaker is supposed to express the politeness. The morpheme "-sab-" is used in forms of regular combination "-sa-ob-/-sa-o-" and "-ob-/-o-" which are phonologically conditioned allomorphs. Sometimes, the "-sab-" is also used in a irregular combination form, which seems to be historically fixed. (188)
This study examines the use of kulay(yo) as a response token in spontaneous Korean conversation. The data for the study include approximately five hours of Korean casual conversation and the analytic framework is conversation analysis. Based on its cooccurring prosody patterns, the use of kulay(yo) is divided into two types: the one with falling or continuing intonation and the other with upward intonation. The former type mainly occurs in acknowledgements, the identification and recognition sequence of phone openings, and phone preclosings and closings. The latter type is found in contexts such as informings, counterinformings, and interactionally delicate action sequences mainly as news receipts. The results show that kulay(yo) is used in various interactional contexts, reflecting how the recipient of the prior turn's talk deals with delicate actions and carefully marks his/her stance with it.
This paper aims to examine the usage of terms of address which are used among navy officers' wives. Military society is a typical 'rank-based' society. Therefare the members abide by the order based entirely on the rank structure. We can find this phenomenon in the usage of terms of address among officers' wives. They consider seniority of their husbands more significant than solidarity and age relationship with one another. Thus, the wives distinguish the term of address 'samonim' for the wives whose husbands are senior to own husbands by more than 3 years and 'seonbaenim' for the wives whose husbands are senior to their husbands by 1 or 2 years. The important thing here is that they have to use these kinds of terms of address even though the other party is of the same age or younger than them. If wives failed to do so, they will be in a big trouble. This phenomenon seems to take place because of military society's rank-based culture and its distinctive residence culture. An adequate plan for the usage of terms of address among navy officers' wives is needed. This study can be used as useful data for such an effort.
The purpose of this study is to analyze the expressions that are designated as prohibited words on the internet, and to examine the strategies that are used by netizens to evade these prohibitions. Words that are prohibited on the internet are defined as "the language expressions that are blocked up writing and searching for a dignified language life, youth protection, and the preservation of public order in cyberspace." It is a new language culture and a taboo of the 21st century that has happened in cyberspace. The main body of this study consists of three chapters. In chapter 2, the concepts of taboo and internet prohibited words, and the interrelationship of them are examined. From this, in chapter 3 we analyze the types and examples of prohibited words by referring to some lists of prohibited words. The counter-strategies of speakers are verified in chapter 4. Through this process, we get to understand the taboo or the expressions that are prohibited in cyberspace. We learn the background of the prohibition of words from netizens, as well. In addition, we report on language use strategies and linguistic variations in the internet age by examining the countermeasures adopted by netizens against the prohibition of words.
Language is often described as a mirror reflecting the contemporary world, and since Meiji era, there have been many twists and turns in Japanese language policy for the last 130 years throughout the modern history. Especially the relationship between the dialects and the standard language, which has repeatedly experienced confrontations and conflicts, has been a major issue of Japanese language policy. Before the middle of Meiji era in the late 19th century, dialects were the only language used in daily lives of the ordinary people. Also, the ordinary people did not feel comfortable with the standard language. After the middle of Meiji era, dialects became the target to exterminate, as the government in the mood of the strong nationalism started promoting the standard language. After the defeat of World WarⅡ in the middle of the 20th century, dialects were losing their grounds as the common language has rapidly spread as the awareness of citizenship grew. Also, the dialect used to transmit ideas has become one of the linguistic choices based on the styles. This article is an overview of Japanese language policy in Japan, especially on the relationship between Japanese dialects and standard language and the advent of the common language.